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Month: March 2026

Building in New York City Is a Bitch. But 99 Units Isn’t One

Charlie Munger once famously said, “Show me the incentive and I’ll show you the outcome.” If you’re looking for proof, consider the development site at 1800 Park Avenue in Upper Manhattan. 

For background, the troubled parcel has traded hands several times over a two-decade period like an unloved stepchild among some of NYC’s largest developers. In 2007, Vornado Realty Trust acquired the site for approximately $40 million before selling it to Bruce Eichner’s Continuum Companies for $66 million in 2013. In 2017, the Durst Organization acquired it from Eichner for more than $90 million, only to later sell it to David Bistricer’s Clipper Equity for $50 million.  Kudos to the brokers and attorneys involved in each of those transactions—and to David Bistricer, who recently filed plans and is likely to be the one to finally take the project vertical. 

1800 Park Avenue—A Goliath of a Site

The site is irregularly shaped but quite the behemoth, with more than 600,000 buildable square feet supporting 693 apartments, according to The Real Deal. Interestingly, the plans filed by Clipper Equity suggest seven separate structures (as opposed to one larger building), each with 99 apartments. Architecturally, aesthetically and from an efficiency standpoint, this makes little sense.  Multiple buildings mean duplicate cores, elevators, roofs and mechanical systems.

So why do it?  Because incentives matter.

The 100th Apartment Is the Problem

Under New York City’s prevailing wage requirements, developers must pay up to $72 per hour to construction workers, along with additional work-rule and compliance requirements, when building projects with 100 or more residential units. Those costs add up quickly and, according to the New York City Independent Budget Office, can increase housing construction costs by roughly 25%.

Developers, unsurprisingly, optimize around the rule. Instead of one large structure, they explore ways to split projects into multiple properties of 99 apartments each. As one NYC broker put it “developers are spending more time trying to figure out how to subdivide the site to create pads on which they could build 99-unit buildings than thinking about anything else.”

Predictable?  Absolutely.   

Leave rulemaking to legislative neophytes and results like this shouldn’t be surprising. The data bears it out. A Bloomberg analysis from September 2025 found that 28 permits were filed for buildings with exactly 99 units in a single year—more than double the total from the previous

Closing Time: Smoke ‘Em If You Got ‘Em

The party for developers, however, may not last forever.  Currently, the 99-unit threshold applies to individual buildings. But legislators could easily amend the rule so that prevailing wages are triggered when a project or zoning lot exceeds 99 units. That would effectively eliminate projects like 1800 Park Avenue—and countless others—because the total 693 apartments would be considered for prevailing wages.

Close the loophole and you risk killing future development. Leave it and developers will continue building inefficient workarounds. With that uncertainty looming, developers are racing to file these projects made up of 99-unit buildings while the rules remain unchanged. 

You hate to call out legislators—it can feel like punching down. But when incentives are this clear, the outcome should surprise no one.

Sources:

David Bistricer Embraces 99-Unit Playbook

the-impact-of-prevailing-wage-requirement-on-affordable-housing-construction-in-new-york-city.pdf

Six 99-unit buildings planned for Jamaica, Queens

NYC Apartment Construction Wage Requirement Leads to 99-Unit Buildings – Bloomberg

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Albany’s Next Bright Idea: Commercial Rent Control

Legislators in Albany are at it again, and their newest target is commercial rents in New York City. 

The proposal isn’t new, but rather a recycled, tired version of ideas that have already decimated segments of the city’s commercial real estate market. If passed, expect higher vacancy rates, declining asset values, and owners forced to choose between economic ruin and deferring much-needed maintenance. Not quite a “Sophie’s Choice,” but still the proverbial choice between a punch in the stomach and a roundhouse kick to the face.  And yet, here we are.

The Small Business Rent Stabilization Act—Innocent Name, Ugly Consequences

Two state legislators, Julia Salazar and Emily Gallagher, want to restrict increases on commercial rents and grant retail tenants automatic 10-year lease renewals. The bill would create a nine-member Rent Guidelines Board—similar to the one governing stabilized apartments—responsible for setting rent increases for commercial properties. 

It sounds benign. Who doesn’t support small businesses?  It isn’t.  What could go wrong with politically appointed individuals dictating commercial rents in the country’s most complex retail market—or allowing underperforming tenants misaligned with neighborhood trends, to remain in place in perpetuity? 

Then there’s the matter of lenders. Many loan covenants impose requirements tied to retail rental income and tenant quality. This proposal appears to overlook the tension between regulated rents and private lending agreements.

Vacancy Rates Are the Rationale

According to Salazar, the justification is the “very high…storefront vacancy rate in New York City,” and the “need to level the playing field for both commercial and residential tenants.” But how would controlling commercial rents solve high vacancy rates? Quite the opposite may occur. The further regulated rents drift from market rates, the greater the incentive for landlords to keep storefronts vacant rather than lock in unfavorable long-term leases.

Sound familiar? It should. New York City is sitting on more than 50,000 vacant rent stabilized units following the 2019 changes to rent laws. There is little reason to believe commercial space would behave differently.     

Do Retail Tenants Need Protecting?

Unlike residential tenants, commercial tenants tend to be more sophisticated. They retain legal and professional counsel. They analyze foot traffic, demographics and neighborhood trends before signing leases. They are not similarly situated to residential tenants and do not require the same level of statutory protection.

Commercial Rent Control Isn’t a New Idea—Just a Bad One

Commercial rent regulation proposals in NYC date back to the 1980s, but they have consistently failed to gain traction. Perhaps the only encouraging aspect of the current proposal is that it, too, appears unlikely to pass. In the State Senate, it has just one co-sponsor of the bill, and Assembly support remains limited. 

That’s the good news. There is, however, reason for caution. 

Like Salazar and Gallagher, NYC’s Mayor Zohran Mamdani is a Democratic Socialist who campaigned on and supports similar proposals. Commercial rent control may not advance, but the broader appetite for price regulation persists. Mamdani recently floated a 9.5% property tax hike to address anticipated budget shortfalls—a reminder that interventionist policy proposals remain firmly in play.

Price controls are not the answer. Let the law of supply and demand dictate pricing. It works.

Sources:

https://www.cityandstateny.com/policy/2026/02/socialists-take-aim-commercial-rent/411572/

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Julia_Salazar#cite_note-14

https://www.reaganlibrary.gov/archives/speech/inaugural-address-1981

https://www.city-journal.org/article/vacant-new-york-city-apartments-rent-control-housing#:~:text=New%20York%20City%20has%20nearly%2050%2C000%20vacant,improvements%20profitably%20*%20Reset%20the%20stabilized%20rent

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