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Good Cause Eviction May Be Coming to NYC – What Does That Mean?

The NY state budget deadline is upon us and there are whispers and leaks that lawmakers are close on passing good cause eviction—a euphemism for regulating rent increases for free market apartments. If it does pass, what does it mean for the real estate community and housing market? A few of my thoughts below:

  • Cap on free market rents: Increases to rents for free market apartments are likely to be capped at the lesser of: i) 10% per year and ii) 5% plus CPI. This mirrors the law in California which is more onerous on landlords than NJ where “unconscionable” increases are prohibited. The meaning of that isn’t entirely unclear but it’s certainly more favorable to landlords than what is currently being proposed.  
  • The return of 421-a: A version of 421-a is likely to pass as well as it would be incredulous to think that more moderate lawmakers would accept good cause eviction without 421-a. This may be a Pyrrhic victory for developers and tantamount to a defeat as good cause eviction may take more than 421-a gives.
  • Unrenovated apartments trapped: Landlords with free market units that are below market rate (i.e., undermanaged, unrenovated) may be trapped at rents well below fair market value. The unrenovated four bedroom apartment worth $4,000, if renovated, but only charging $2,000 may be stuck with annual increases off the $2,000. You snooze (on renovations), you lose so says Albany.
  • The new rental caps may be optional: A recent NY Post article suggests landlords would “not technically be barred from raising rents” above the level described above, but they could be dragged into court if they do. That’s like saying you can rob a bank and steal from the blind, but you may be dragged into court if you do. Ok, maybe not quite but it’s either legal to increase above these levels or it isn’t.  Or are these caps merely suggested guidelines owners should abide by and if you don’t you are being naughty.
  • Arrival of universal rent control: NYC landlords would have to abide by both the rent stabilization rules for those units that are rent stabilized (DHCR filings and annual rental increases determined by the Rent Guidelines Board), as well as this new regime for free market apartments (i.e., the lesser of 10% and 5% plus CPI). Will this require more paperwork for landlords similar to DHCR filings, penalties if you overcharge, etc.?
  • Tying 421-a with good cause eviction may have unintended consequences: 421-a tethered to good cause eviction may not satisfy developers nor prompt new housing developments as legislators are intending. You can fool the voters with linguistic dexterity but not bulge bracket banks that will see good cause eviction for what it is: universal rent control. In other words, any new project would be 100% regulated albeit under separate legislative regimes and this will no doubt impact borrowers’ cost of capital for new construction projects.
  • Lawsuits anyone: No doubt lawyers for landlord groups will call this an unconstitutional “taking” and take their cases through the judicial system and perhaps all the way to the Supreme Court.  But California already has a similar good cause eviction law and I imagine landlords would ultimately be on the losing side of this battle.

I love an experiment as much as the next guy but this would be a bold new frontier for New York City that is likely to have implications far and wide: some foreseeable and others less so. Buckle up as this could be one hell of a ride for NYC’s housing market and no stakeholder will be spared.   

Source:
Golden, V. (2024, April 8). Kathy Hochul gets on board with key parts of NY “Good Cause” rent-control bill as state budget housing deal nears. New York Post. https://nypost.com/2024/04/08/us-news/kathy-hochul-gets-on-board-with-key-parts-of-ny-good-cause-rent-control-bill-as-state-budget-housing-deal-nears/
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The Looming April 1 Budget Deadline Sets the Stage for an Albany-Hochul Showdown

Few New Yorkers pay attention to the inner workings of the legislature in Albany but they probably should as it impacts everything from housing, school budgets, Medicaid and whether prisons will remain open. And there are billions of dollars at play.

Last month, Governor Hochul proposed a $233 billion budget for 2024 and both the Senate and Assembly countered with plans of their own to the tune of $246 billion. For a breakdown of the Governor, Senate and Assembly’s budget proposal, click here. Between now and April 1 (the budget deadline), lawmakers will negotiate—largely in secret and with little to no transparency—how the state’s billions will be spent. 

A few takeaways from the Senate budget regarding important housing issues include:

  • A willingness on the part of the Senate to remain “open to further discussing” a new tax exemption for multifamily construction, which would replace the expired 421-a abatement. Not much can be made of this language as it suggests a perfunctory commitment in line with something as mundane as upgrading the bathrooms at the Capitol Building. Unfortunately, there is much more at stake.
  • The plan to replace 421-a would involve stricter income requirements for those affordable units and tie developer incentives to, among other things, a housing package that includes the core principles of good cause eviction. Good cause eviction, however, is likely a deal breaker for more moderate lawmakers as it effectively creates caps on rental increases for free market apartments. And that is downright un-American.
  • Localities would be allowed to legalize basement apartments to generate additional housing.  A step in the right direction albeit a small measure that doesn’t move the needle much.
  • The bill includes a $40 million fund to rehabilitate vacant rent stabilized apartments and an increase on the $15,000 cap for individual apartment improvements (IAI) but it was not clear by how much that cap would increase. The $40 million sum is laughable and here’s why: assuming an average renovation cost of $50,000 per apartment (a very conservative estimate as the costs can easily exceed $100,000), the fund would provide funding for approximately 800 units. Recent estimates put the number of vacant rent stabilized apartments in NYC in the tens of thousands. Both of these proposals, like the 421-a replacement, are tied to the implementation of a housing package that includes some sort of good cause eviction. 
Website Source:
Jones, S. (2024, March 12). New York Senate Includes 421-a Replacement, Good Cause In Budget Proposal. Bisnow. https://www.bisnow.com/new-york/news/affordable-housing/421a-senate-proposal-2024-123286#:~:text=The%20New%20York%20Senate%20revealed,new%20housing%20in%20the%20state.
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The Dilemma Albany Faces: Quid Pro Quo-Good Cause Eviction for 421a

On January 3, New York legislators open up the 2024 session and there is a lot at stake. There is a pending showdown between developers, landlords, and real estate investors on the one side and tenant advocacy groups on the other. If Governor Hochul wants a deal allowing for multifamily development to resume, she may have to concede the passage of “good cause” eviction at the state level. Such a deal would be a Pyrrhic victory with tremendous cost to the greater housing sector in New York City.

What is Good Cause Eviction?

In most US communities, landlords can hike rents, evict tenants through the courts, or simply not renew leases. As a result, millions of Americans lose their homes each year or deal with threats of housing loss. And this is no small concern. Eviction can have serious and far-reaching harms for individuals and families, including immediate homelessness, housing instability, loss of belongings, financial hardship, and disruption of education. It is well-documented that the stress of losing one’s home can lead to anxiety, depression, and even suicide. But is good cause eviction the panacea to all these woes and should landlords be the ones subsidizing free market rents?

Generally speaking, “good cause” eviction legislation prohibits landlords from evicting tenants for reasons other than good or just cause i.e., being a nuisance, damaging property, or consistent non-payment of rent. Fair enough, but the controversy arises with legislative language that places limits on rent increases despite the free market status of the apartments. In states with “good cause” eviction, rent increases are either capped at a specified limit (e.g., 7%) or, in some cases, the language is more ambiguous disallowing “unconscionable” increases. The latter (applicable in NJ) lacks legislative bite and generally doesn’t curtail the number of evictions. In such jurisdictions, landlords tend to increase rents at their discretion without running afoul of the law. Tenants who can’t or won’t pay the increased rent are booted from their apartments.

Local Jurisdictions in NY Tried Good Cause Evictions Previously

In July 2021, lawmakers in the city of Albany approved “good cause” eviction at the local level, and other cities—Kingston, Newburgh, Poughkeepsie, and Beacon—followed suit a few months later. The laws capped rent increases at 5%, declaring anything in excess of that would be “unconscionable.” It didn’t last, however, as courts ruled these laws violated owners’ state property rights.

But the reprieve for landlords may be short-lived. The Democrats—who have a supermajority in New York State’s Senate and Assembly—are licking their chops as they want “good cause” at the state level and the circumstances may be just right for it to happen. Governor Hochul needs a win and pressure is mounting to jumpstart multifamily construction projects which seems to only be possible with a re-launch of the 421a tax benefits. NY State Senator, Brian Kavanagh, confirmed as much indicating that many of his colleagues are not willing to act on 421a without passing a version of “good cause” eviction. Sounds like quid pro quo but what will NY’s “good cause” eviction look like?

Good Cause Eviction is Catching on Across the Country

State-level “good cause” measures have been passed recently in California, Oregon, and Washington State. Legislators in Colorado, Connecticut, and Maryland have taken up the idea this year as well. “Good cause” has existed in New Jersey since 1974 but, as previously mentioned, it hasn’t had much impact on capping free market rents or in decreasing the number of evictions. In 2019, California passed AB1482, the Tenant Protection Act of 2019, which established statewide rent control. Specifically, rent increases are capped at 5% plus the change in the cost of living, or 10%, whichever is lower. To illustrate, in San Diego where the CPI increased by 4.1% from last year, landlords can increase rents in that county by 9.1% (i.e., 5% plus 4.1%). To the extent more stringent laws are already in place at the local level in California, then those laws trump AB1482.

New York is—perhaps unsurprisingly—looking to be more aggressive than California. Powerful Democrats, including Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Jerry Nadler, and Hakeem Jeffries, have named “good cause” eviction a top legislative priority.  The bill, if passed, would bar rent increases that exceed 3% of the previous rental amount, or 1.5 times CPI, whichever is higher.

According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, the CPI increased by 3.5% in New York. The way the math typically works, there would be little difference in the permitted rental increases in New York for free market and rent stabilized apartments. It is no wonder then that “good cause” eviction is often referred to as “universal rent control.” Unlike in California, New York would impose rental increases on new and future, as well as, old housing stock. 

The Potential Impact of Good Cause Eviction

Landlord groups largely argue “good cause” eviction rules will slow down much needed new construction and hurt developers’ ability to get financing to complete their projects. Many in this camp also point out that there are already “incredibly strong tenant protections” in place and, if anything, the state should look to expand housing vouchers and legal representation for low income New Yorkers.

Supporters of “good cause” protections say the concerns of the real estate industry are nothing more than fear-mongering. Peter Hepburn, a sociologist at Rutgers University-Newark and an analyst at Princeton’s Eviction Lab, pointed to a “thriving rental market in New Jersey,” noting that “it has not collapsed by any stretch of the imagination.” That’s probably true but an incomplete assessment at best. New Jersey doesn’t cap free market rental increases the way New York is proposing to do. It is reasonable to believe that the rental caps proposed under the NY version of the law will have a chilling effect on construction projects and the ability to finance them. Land values will inevitably fall prompting owners to wait for a better legislative backdrop before selling or developing the land.

New York Senator Julia Salazar, who is leading the charge for “good cause” legislation in New York, said she would be concerned “if ‘good cause’ were in fact [an] impediment [to building]” noting New Jersey and Oregon as cases in point. But this is political theater of course with a heavy dose of hocus pocus and misdirection. New Jersey isn’t an appropriate comparison and Oregon only recently passed “just cause” eviction legislation in 2019 (and later updated the rules in 2023). The impact of Oregon’s law on new construction is simply too early to assess. Salazar claims that opposition to her bill is largely from those “who want to exploit the need people have to be housed.” That’s an outlandish claim that defies logic: developers are itching, practically begging, to build in New York. But not at an economic loss.

The horse trade of resurrecting 421a in exchange for “good cause” eviction is a bad one. Tax incentives alone won’t convince owners to build projects that are economically doomed the moment they are completed. Maybe the result of such a bargain is a city dotted with an overwhelming number of housing blocks reminiscent of the architectural pizazz of your 1970s run-of-the-mill NYC housing project.

Conclusion

Make no mistake: the “good cause” rules proposed by New York would be a full embrace of “universal rent control” across the state, including New York City. The rental landscape would include approximately one million apartments regulated under the HSTPA rules enacted in 2019 and the remaining two million free market units under “good cause” eviction at approximately 3%-5% annual rental increases. In other words, rent stabilization and “good cause” eviction would be a distinction without a difference.  

New York City is not Poughkeepsie, Salem (Oregon), or Newark. The city’s economy is larger than that of South Korea and Australia and getting this wrong could prove devastating. The housing shortage, despite Julia Salazar’s assured proclamations, would be exacerbated and you can expect the dilapidated state of many rent stabilized buildings to further play out across free market properties. The incentive to maintain and upkeep rent stabilized buildings evaporated the moment HSTPA became law and anyone in the commercial real estate space knows this.

Website Sources:
Cohen, R. M. (2023, May 1). The fight for “good cause” housing laws to prevent renter evictions. Vox. https://www.vox.com/policy/2023/5/1/23697209/landlords-tenants-good-cause-just-cause-eviction-housing

Effect of “Just Cause” Eviction Ordinances on Eviction in Four California Cities. (n.d.). Journal of Public and International Affairs. https://jpia.princeton.edu/news/effect-just-cause-eviction-ordinances-eviction-four-california-cities

Good Cause Eviction Bill That Would Impact Hotels Being Pushed Through New York Legislature | Insights | Holland & Knight. (n.d.). https://www.hklaw.com/en/insights/publications/2023/04/good-cause-eviction-bill-that-would-impact-hotels-being-pushed-through

Chang, C. (2023, March 30). Good-Cause Eviction Keeps Dying in Court. Curbed. https://www.curbed.com/2023/03/good-cause-eviction-new-york-courts-losing.html

Consumer Price Index, New York-Newark-Jersey City — November 2023 : Northeast Information Office : U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics. (2023, December 12). https://www.bls.gov/regions/northeast/news-release/consumerpriceindex_newyork.htm#:~:text=Over%20the%20last%2012%20months,4.0%20percent%20over%20the%20year
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Housing Package Fails to Pass: Albany’s Brazen Contempt for the People of New York on Full Display

When I was in my first year in law school, a professor once remarked the mark of a great lawyer is not the number of adversaries outplayed, but rather the deals successfully navigated across the finish line. A successful transaction involves compromise and often a whiff of disappointment in the outcome by both parties. As an aside, readers interested in negotiation should consider the book “Getting to Yes: Negotiating Agreement Without Giving In” by Roger Fisher and William L. Ury and not so much the “The Art of the Deal” credited to Donald J. Trump but written entirely by Tony Schwartz. New York state officials would be well served to heed the advice of the aforementioned law school professor and the lessons from “Getting to Yes” as much is at stake for New Yorkers who are paying the price for their leaders’ political pandering, gross ineptitude, and resolute intransigence.

The latest shenanigans from Albany involved a potential deal to protect millions of New York renters, including those of free-market apartments, from outrageously high rent increases and extending the 421a project completion deadline beyond June 2026 so those projects grandfathered into 421a actually get built (some 32,000 units are at risk without the extension). Unsurprisingly, the legislative session ended without any new housing legislation but a whole lot of finger-pointing. The Assembly Speaker, Carl Heastie, and Senate President, Andrea Stewart-Cousins together claimed that lawmakers had reached a “consensus” on many of the housing proposals but that they “could not come to an agreement with the governor.” The problem with this assertion by the Democratic lawmakers (and they know this) is that bills—to be passed into law—must first be introduced at the House Senate or Assembly level, approved by both houses and reconciled for any differing language before landing on the governor’s desk. Heastie and Stewart-Cousins failed to introduce any proposals let alone get any legislation passed.

Now, it is true that Governor Hochul lacks any meaningful political gravitas having barely eked out a victory over a weak opponent in Lee Zeldin but she did put forth several ideas on how to tackle New York’s housing crisis in her annual budget (none of them original but all designed to encourage more housing for New Yorkers). Some of those ideas included incentivizing developers to build with favorable tax benefits akin to 421a, converting office space to residential buildings, and modifying zoning regulations to allow for taller, denser residential complexes. Lawmakers pushed back on all of these proposals as a victory for none seems to be an easier path forward than explaining the advantages of a negotiated deal to their constituents.

Ironically, Assembly Speaker Carl Heastie is not without some housing controversy of his own. In 1999, Heastie was able to hold onto a home that his mother purchased with money embezzled from a nonprofit charity where she worked (she wrote checks to herself from the nonprofit and used some of these ill-gotten gains to buy the home). Though Mr. Heastie was instructed by a judge to sell the home and relinquish the proceeds from the sale to his mother’s former employee—through an unusual string of legal lapses in the court system or something more nefarious as suggested in a 2015 NY Times article—Mr. Heastie was able to keep the home, sell it for a profit of nearly $200,000 and use the money to buy a more expensive home. So much for Mr. Heastie’s vow to bring accountability and integrity back to the statehouse.

With the most recent legislative session over, and no housing legislation passed, what next? It seems we wait until January 2024 when legislators re-convene and hope for cooler, more rational heads to prevail. Of course, Governor Hochul has the legal authority to call a “special” session that would require lawmakers to return from break and address any specific housing issues she raises. But, does she have the political power to corral the troops and get something done? Who’s to say, but in the interim, the housing supply crisis “continues to worsen” as New Yorkers experience “escalating rents, increased homelessness, and a continued deterioration of the city’s rental housing stock,” according to the President of the Real Estate Board of New York, James Whelen.

SHORT , AARON. Last-Minute New York Housing Deal Falls Apart in Legislative Session, commercialobserver.com/2023/06/new-york-housing-deal-hochul-heastie/. 
Buettner, Russ, and David W. Chen. “Carl Heastie, New York Assembly Speaker, Benefited from His Mother’s Embezzling.” The New York Times, 20 Apr. 2015, www.nytimes.com/2015/04/21/nyregion/carl-heastie-new-york-assembly-speaker-benefited-from-mothers-embezzling.html. 
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